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Vlaams Blok

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Title: Vlaams Blok  
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Subject: Dutch-speaking electoral college, Right-wing populism, Vlaams Belang, List of members of the European Parliament, 2004–09, Filip Dewinter
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Vlaams Blok

Vlaams Blok
Leader Frank Vanhecke
Founded 28 May 1979 (1978)
Dissolved 14 November 2004
Split from Volksunie
Succeeded by Vlaams Belang
Youth wing Vlaams Blok Jongeren
Membership 18,000 (2004)[1]
Ideology Flemish nationalism[2]
Right-wing populism[3]
Political position Far-right
International affiliation None
European affiliation None
European Parliament group Non-Inscrits*
Colours Orange, Black
Politics of Belgium
Political parties
*Formerly European Right (1989–94) and Technical Group of Independents (1999–2001).

The Vlaams Blok (English: Flemish Block, or VB) was a Belgian far-right and secessionist political party with an anti-immigration platform.[4] Its ideologies embraced Flemish nationalism, calling for the independence of Flanders. From its creation in 1978, it was the most notable militant right wing of the Flemish movement. Vlaams Blok's track record in the Flemish and Belgian parliament elections was strong. The election campaigns consisted mainly of the immigration and law-and-order theme, combined with the desire for Flemish autonomy.

All significant Flemish political parties were reluctant to enter coalitions with the Vlaams Blok. Following a 1989 agreement, known as the Vlaams Belang.[4] By 2004, the party had arguably become the single most popular Flemish party in Belgium, supported by about one in four of the Flemish electorate,[5] as well as being one of the most successful radical right-wing populist parties in Europe as a whole.[6]


  • History 1
    • Background, Flemish Movement 1.1
    • Early years (1978–1988) 1.2
    • Rise of the party (1988–2004) 1.3
    • Court of Cassation ruling (2004) 1.4
      • Reactions 1.4.1
  • Ideology 2
    • Flemish nationalism 2.1
    • Immigration, minorities 2.2
    • Anti-establishment 2.3
    • Economy 2.4
    • Foreign policy 2.5
  • International relations 3
  • Election results 4
    • Chamber of Representatives 4.1
    • Senate 4.2
    • Flemish Parliament 4.3
    • European Parliament 4.4
  • References 5
  • Bibliography 6
  • External links 7


Background, Flemish Movement

The unofficial version of the Flag of Flanders associated with the Flemish Movement (not strictly the Vlaams Blok).

The Vlaams Blok originated from the loose World War I, and the introduction of universal suffrage and proportional representation in elections.[8] The main party that initially represented the movement was the left-wing nationalist Front Party, founded by former soldiers and sympathizers from the trench wars in Flanders Fields disaffected with their French-speaking, often anti-Flemish, officers that had been unable to communicate with their troops.[7][8] From the 1930s, the main party became the Flemish National Union which turned to collaborate with the Nazis during World War II, as they had promised them increased Flemish autonomy.[7][9] These circumstances would compromise the re-emergence of Flemish nationalism after the war, although only a faction of the broader movement had actually pursued an agenda of collaboration.[9]

The direct predecessor to the Vlaams Blok was the People's Union, which was founded in 1954 as the successor to the Christian Flemish People's Union electoral alliance, that had successfully run for election earlier the same year.[10] The party had been careful to choose its leaders from nationalist circles that had not collaborated with the Nazis.[11] While Flemish separatists had been suspicious of the People's Union since its outset, it became clear by the 1970s that the party had moved to a moderate left-liberal course, which led to the defection of its more radical members.[12] The remaining nationalist hardliners finally rejected the party's participation in a new five-party government coalition in 1977, and particularly the Egmont pact,[13][14] believing it had conceded too much to the francophone government parties.[15]

Early years (1978–1988)

In late 1977, the rejection of the Egmont pact by the hardliner faction of the People's Union led to the establishment of two new (short-lived) parties; the radical nationalist Flemish National Party (VNP) and the national liberal Flemish People's Party (VVP), respectively led by Voorpost, Were Di, and the Order of Flemish Militants, while some local groups also simply turned into local branches of the Vlaams Blok.[18] In its inception, the party was widely regarded as a conservative separatist party, rather than an extreme right-wing party.[5]

The party did not have much electoral success at first, and was stable at one seat in the Filip Dewinter and Frank Vanhecke.[21]

Starting in 1983, the Vlaams Blok increasingly began focusing on immigration (inspired by the success of other European right-wing populist parties), and on the international day against racism in 1984 held its first conference to discuss the "foreigner problem."[21][22] The same year, Dillen proposed a bill in the Chamber of Representatives to offer cash incentive for immigrants to return to their native country.[22] In April 1987, a group around Roger Frankinouille of the only right-wing competitor to the Vlaams Blok, the anti-tax Respect for Labour and Democracy, switched to the party.[21] The party campaigned for the 1987 general election with the slogan "Own people first" (Eigen volk eerst!, inspired by French National Front slogan "The French first"), and saw a slight victory, winning their first seat in Senate (taken by Dillen), and for the first time two seats in the Chamber (Dewinter and Annemans).[21][23] The party's shift towards focusing on immigration was however criticised by some Vlaams Blok members, and ultimately also led to the defection of some top party figures. The party nevertheless made a clear choice of focussing on the immigration issue, which had, and would, give results in elections.[23]

Rise of the party (1988–2004)

Flag associated with the Vlaams Blok.

The electoral success of the Vlaams Blok began after the younger generation in the party shifted the party's emphasis from Flemish nationalism (separatism) to the immigration issue.[24] In the 1988 local election in Antwerp the party first started to take off, going from 5.5% of the vote in the city to 17.7%,[25] a success which drew much publicity.[21] On 10 May 1989, based on the Antwerp success,[26] the presidents of all major Belgian parties (including the People's Union) signed a cordon sanitaire (hygienic barrier), where the parties agreed to never conclude any political agreements with the Vlaams Blok, nor make immigration a political issue.[27] While the Vlaams Blok itself also largely rejected cooperation with other parties, it did increasingly consider such cooperation, particularly in elections in 1994, 1999 and 2000, only to find themselves effectively blocked by the cordon sanitaire.[28][29] Although intended to keep the Vlaams Blok from gaining political influence, many argued that the agreement in reality gave room for the strong electoral surge for the party, as it was made into what could be seen as the only "true opposition."[30] The agreement was renewed in following years,[26] and Vlaams Blok chairman Karel Dillen was used to call it the "insurance policy" of his party;[31]

"I was basically very happy with its existence. There was something a bit too much about it: everybody against us. If the sense is that there is a hunt out for us, then this will only drive people to take the side of the outlaw."

In December 1988, a major split occurred in the party, when a group who opposed the "Operation Rejuvenation" tried to squeeze the Dewinter-VBJ faction out of the party leadership. Led by Geert Wouters, he accused Dewinter's faction of being "

  • Vlaams Blok website
  • Flanders Independent site
  • The Flemish Republic online newsletter for English-speaking people, a website of the Vlaams Blok
  • Supreme Court's decision of 9 November 2004, (pdf document), provisional version of the original decision in Dutch
  • Official Vlaams Blok party comment on the conviction

External links


  1. ^ De Winter, 2004, p. 16.
  2. ^ a b
  3. ^
  4. ^ a b Erk, 2005, pp. 493-502.
  5. ^ a b c d e De Winter, 2004, p. 6.
  6. ^ Coffé, 2005, p. 205.
  7. ^ a b c
  8. ^ a b De Winter, 2004, p. 4.
  9. ^ a b De Winter, 2004, pp. 4-5.
  10. ^ Mudde, 2003, p. 83.
  11. ^ De Winter, 2004, p. 5.
  12. ^ Mudde, 2003, pp. 83-84.
  13. ^ a b c De Winter, 2004, p. 2.
  14. ^ Mudde, 2003, pp. 84-85.
  15. ^ Coffé, 2005, p. 207.
  16. ^ Mudde, 2003, p. 85.
  17. ^ a b
  18. ^ a b c Mudde, 2003, p. 87.
  19. ^ a b De Winter, 2004, p. 15.
  20. ^ Mudde, 2003, pp. 87-88.
  21. ^ a b c d e Mudde, 2003, p. 88.
  22. ^ a b Coffé, 2005, p. 208.
  23. ^ a b c d Coffé, 2005, p. 209.
  24. ^ a b c d e De Winter, 2004, p. 13.
  25. ^ De Winter, 2004, pp. 2 and 6.
  26. ^ a b Coffé, 2005, p. 213.
  27. ^ Mudde, 2003, pp. 88-89.
  28. ^ De Winter, 2004, p. 19.
  29. ^ Coffé, 2005, pp. 211-212.
  30. ^ a b
  31. ^ Coffé, 2005, pp. 213-214.
  32. ^ a b c Mudde, 2003, p. 89.
  33. ^ De Winter, 2004, p. 7.
  34. ^ a b c Mudde, 2003, p. 90.
  35. ^ Coffé, 2005, pp. 209-210.
  36. ^ Swyngedouw; Abts; Van Craaen, 2007, p. 96.
  37. ^ Mudde, 2003, p. 91.
  38. ^ Mudde, 2003, p. 92.
  39. ^ Coffé, 2005, p. 214.
  40. ^ Coffé, 2005, p. 212.
  41. ^ a b Coffé, 2005, pp. 214-215.
  42. ^ a b
  43. ^
  44. ^
  45. ^
  46. ^ Coffé, 2005, p. 216.
  47. ^ Erk, 2005, p. 493.
  48. ^ a b Swyngedouw; Abts; Van Craaen, 2007, p. 98.
  49. ^
  50. ^
  51. ^ a b De Winter, 2004, pp. 12-13.
  52. ^ Mudde, 2003, p. 96.
  53. ^ Mudde, 2003, p. 97.
  54. ^ a b Mudde, 2003, p. 103.
  55. ^
  56. ^
  57. ^ Mudde, 2003, p. 100.
  58. ^ a b c
  59. ^ Mudde, 2003, pp. 91-92.
  60. ^ a b De Winter, 2004, p. 14.
  61. ^ a b Swyngedouw; Abts; Van Craaen, 2007, p. 90.
  62. ^ Mudde, 2003, pp. 93 and 128.
  63. ^ a b c Mudde, 2003, p. 93.
  64. ^
  65. ^ Swyngedouw; Abts; Van Craaen, 2007, pp. 95-96.


European Parliament
Election year # of overall votes % of vote # of seats won
1984 73,174 1.3% (2.1%) 0
1989 241,117 4.1% (6.6%) 1
1994 463,919 7.8% (12.6%) 2
1999 584,392 9.4% (15.1%) 2
2004 930,731 14.3% (23.2%) 3
is given in the parenthesis. Dutch-speaking electoral collegeResults in the

European Parliament

Flemish Parliament
Election year # of overall votes % of vote # of seats won
1995 465,239 12.3% 15
1999 603,345 15.5% 20
2004 981,587 24.2% 32

Flemish Parliament

Belgian Senate
Election year # of overall votes % of vote # of seats won
1978 80,809 1.5% 0
1981 71,733 1.2% 0
1985 90,120 1.5% 0
1987 122,953 2.0% 1
1991 414,481 6.8% 5
1995 583,208 9.4% 4
1999 583,208 9.4% 4
2003 741,940 11.3% 5


Belgian Chamber of Representatives
Election year # of total votes % of overall vote # of seats won
1978 75,635 1.4% 1
1981 66,424 1.8% 1
1985 85,391 1.4% 1
1987 116,534 1.9% 2
1991 405,247 6.6% 12
1995 475,677 7.8% 11
1999 613,523 9.9% 15
2003 761,407 11.6% 18

Chamber of Representatives

Note that the election results in elections other than those for the Flemish Parliament (and the Dutch-speaking electoral college in the European Parliament) gives a somewhat wrong image of the party's support, given that the party only ran in Flanders, the one half of Belgium.[5]

Election results

The party also became very active in establishing contacts with post-communist parties in Eastern European countries, including the Croatian Party of Rights, Slovak National Party and IMRO – Bulgarian National Movement.[63] While not keeping official contacts, it was in addition very supportive of left-wing nationalist parties such as the Scottish National Party, Irish Sinn Féin and Basque Herri Batasuna. Some of the parties it established contacts with most recently was the Freedom Party of Austria and the Italian Lega Nord, which after a period of distrust, maintained contacts since 2002.[63][65]

The Vlaams Blok maintained good contacts with nationalist parties throughout Europe and other countries. The Vlaams Blok did traditionally have the closest contacts with Dutch and South African far-right groups, including the Dutch Centre Party '86, the Centre Democrats and Voorpost, and the South African Boerestaat Party.[62] In the mid-1980s, it also established close relations particularly with the French National Front, as well as the German People's Union, The Republicans and National Democratic Party of Germany.[63] In the 1990s, it supported the minor Dutch Block party, which had modeled itself directly on the Vlaams Blok.[64]

International relations

It also favoured the abolition of the United Nations, citing; "The illogical composition of the Security Council. The unwieldy bureaucracy. The democratic deficit."[61] The party did also not have any faith in such a world community or international legal system, questioning the entire logic behind the UN. It rejected the view of any international consensus about concepts as democracy, justice, freedom and human rights, especially since most of its member countries are non-Western and undemocratic.[61]

The party was the only major Belgian party that opposed Belgium's membership of the European Union, as well as the idea of a federal Europe itself. It however defended a con-federal Europe based on sovereign culturally homogeneous nation-states. The European issue was however not an issue the party promoted much.[60]

Foreign policy

The party had no strong economic preferences, and generally supported a mixed economy. While it supported privatisation and tax reductions for small and medium businesses, it also sometimes supported protectionism and defended the welfare state, especially if allocated to the native Flemish population.[60]


Another element in the ideology of the party was a populist fight against the political establishment, often manifested through political scandals which flourished in 1990s Belgium; including corruption, food and even pedophile scandals.[24] These included the Agusta scandal and the Marc Dutroux affair.[59] The usual suspects were politicians in the three traditional party families; especially the francophone parties.[24]


The party was according to political scientist Cas Mudde only very rarely accused of anti-Semitism – and even then, it was strongly condemned by the party leadership.[57] When Roeland Raes cast doubt on the scale of the Holocaust in a television interview in 2001 for instance, the party leadership immediately called an emergency meeting, distanced itself from him and forced him to resign.[58] The party also took screening measures against its local candidates to reveal any possible extremist connections, and rather wanted to risk not being able to fill its lists, rather than filling them with extremists.[58] Particularly, the party wanted to distance itself from Holocaust denial, as it actively sought to reach out to Jewish voters in Antwerp.[58]

Concerns about crime and security was also linked to immigration, as the party particularly blamed Turks and Moroccans for various criminal activity, and sought a zero tolerance approach regarding law and order.[24] The party was also strongly anti-Islamic from early on, and in its 1993 program regarded Islam as "a doctrine, which preaches holy war, assassination, forced conversions, oppression of women, slavery and extermination of "infidels", [which] will automatically lead to what we now call fundamentalism."[54] The party was anti-Muslim[55][56] and portrayed Muslims as fifth column of a cruel and expansionist religion, and after the 1990 Gulf War called on the government to introduce measures to keep Belgium from being Islamised.[54]

Immigration became an important issue for the Vlaams Blok from the late 1980s. Interconnected with the Flemish nationalism issue, immigrants were considered to be a threat to the Flemish ethnic community. In 1992, the party established its 70-point plan, which included measures to stop all immigration, return most immigrants to their native countries by force, and legally discriminate against residing migrants in respect of markets such as labour, housing and education. The party's opponents particularly saw its immigration program as a source of claims of racism, and the party thus in its latest years downplayed the relevance of the 70-point plan, and softened its written positions regarding immigration.[24]

Immigration, minorities

The main issue for the party was Flemish nationalism, and most issues that were added later, were in some way also connected to this.[51] The Flemish nationalism promoted by the party (volksnationalisme) was according to its program "based on the ethnic community being a naturally occurring entity whose cultural, material, ethical and intellectual interests need to be preserved."[52] While the party primarily worked for an independent Flemish state (modeling the split on that of Czechoslovakia),[53] it for a long time also promoted the idea that the new state should merge with the Netherlands, and establish a Dutch-speaking federation (Greater Netherlands). From the 1990s however, the latter idea was downplayed by the party, as the Netherlands then turned into a "permissive, multicultural and social-democratic state" according to one scholar (although this Dutch political situation would be sharply overturned in the 2000s).[51]

Flemish nationalism

The main ideological and political strategies of the Vlaams Blok started out with its radical nationalist rejection of the People's Union compromise on the Flemish autonomy issue, later to be followed by focus on immigration and security, exploitation of corruption and other scandals, and defense of traditional values. While the party was legitimized first and foremost by its defense of Flemish interests, its voters were mainly motivated by anti-immigration and anti-establishment protest.[13]


Professor Lamine (KUL), a former Vlaams Blok member and "advisor" of the party's legal team, claimed that the party, for propaganda reasons, purposely undertook a weak defence, in order to lose the case; "For the party leaders, losing was much more interesting. Winning just wasn't an option."[49] Lamine himself had earlier stated that the party should have carried the trial to the European Court of Human Rights, but Vlaams Blok senator Joris Van Hauthem had already stated in 2005, that; "If we had gone to Strasbourg [ECHR] based on procedural arguments, we might have had a case. But Lamine already put in a private claim to overturn the Appeals Court verdict, on the basis of substantive arguments. If Vlaams Belang were to put forth a claim against the verdict as well, at Strasbourg, the Court will bundle both cases. Then we would lose the case for sure. Lamine has thus given us the final blow."[50]

The leadership of the Vlaams Blok seized the occasion of the ban to dissolve the party, and start afresh under a new name.[46] Five days later, on 14 November, the Vlaams Blok disbanded itself, and a new party with the name Vlaams Belang was established. (Other proposed names included the Flemish People's Party and Flemish Freedom Front.)[30] The new party instituted a number of changes in its political program, carefully moderating some of the more extreme positions of the former Vlaams Blok.[47][48] Nevertheless, the party leadership made it clear that the party would fundamentally remain the same.[48]

The whole trial was seen by some as a political trial, inspired by the Belgian establishment. The federal parliament had notably amended the Constitution in order to create legal possibilities to condemn the party.[43] The Vlaams Blok also pointed at the problem of political nomination of judges, and again claimed that the lawsuit had been a political process coordinated with the Belgian Ministry of the Interior.[44][45]


In June 2001, the Brussels Correctional Court declared itself incompetent to hear the case, as it related to political misconduct. In February 2003, the Brussels Appellate Court followed and gave a similar judgement. The original plaintiffs then appealed, and the case was sent to the Court of Appeals in Court of Cassation.[41] The ruling meant that the party would lose access to state funding and access to television, effectively shutting the party down.[42]

"Today, our party has been killed, not by the electorate but by the judges."

Frank Vanhecke, 9 November 2004.[42]

In October 2000, the 1981 anti-racism law. The publications which were referred to included its 1999 election agenda and 1997 party platform. The challenged passages included those where the party called for a separate education system for foreign children, a special tax for employers employing non-European foreigners, and a restriction of unemployment benefits and child allowances for non-European foreigners.[41]

Court of Cassation ruling (2004)

The Vlaams Blok continued to be particularly strong in and around Antwerp, where it received as much as 33% of the vote in the 2000 local elections.[13] In 2001, the party was forced to alter its political program, as according to the laws for party financing, it was not compatible with the European Treaty on Human Rights.[39] In the 2004 Flemish Parliament election, the party finally became the single largest party group in parliament. The party was invited by the formateur for government discussions, only to find that its differences with the other parties was insurmountable, resulting in the three traditional parties forming a majority government, retaining the cordon sanitaire.[40] By this time, the party had nevertheless become the very most popular Flemish party in Belgium, being supported by about one in four of the Flemish electorate.[5]

In the 1994 European election, the party doubled its seats (Dillen and Vanhecke) with 12.6% of the vote, but failed to continue a European Right group, due to other nationalist parties having dropped out of the parliament, or refusing to join a group.[34] National Front and Vlaams Blok MEPs nevertheless established an "alliance" called The Coordination of the European Right.[36] In 1996, party leader Karel Dillen, who had been nominated to hold his position for life, stepped down and personally appointed Frank Vanhecke as his successor.[19] The choice of Vanhecke was seen a compromise between the Flemish nationalist wing around Annemans and the Lepenist wing around Dewinter, thus avoiding a potential internal struggle.[37] In 1999, elections were scheduled for the European Parliament, the Chamber of Representatives and Senate and the Flemish Parliament, where the Vlaams Blok overtook the position as the third largest Flemish party, winning more than 15% of the vote in all elections, and a total of 45 seats in the various parliaments.[38]

Frank Vanhecke (seen in 2008) succeeded Karel Dillen as leader of the Vlaams Blok in 1996.

In the 1991 general election, the Vlaams Blok for the first time surpassed the People's Union, going from two to 12 seats in the Chamber, and from one to five seats in the Senate,[33] in what was afterwards referred to by its opponents as "Black Sunday".[32] In the following years, the party saw a systematic upwards trend in all elections it participated in.[5] In July 1992, the first Vlaams Blok motion was accepted in the Flemish Parliament, which rejected the right of francophone inhabitants in Flemish Brabant and Voeren to vote for Wallon institutions.[34] In late 1992, it was announced that Staf Neel, a popular Antwerp city councillor for 22 years for the Socialist Party went over to the Vlaams Blok, thereby causing the SP and CVP to lose their majority in the city council.[34] In 1992, the party ideologue Filip Dewinter and chairman Karel Dillen established the party's comprehensive immigration program, titled the 70-point plan.[23] The plan sought to close the borders towards non-European immigrants, gradually repatriate those already in the country, and implement an "own people first" principle in all policy areas.[23] Over the course of the 1990s, the party however increasingly distanced itself from the plan as it had alienated the party from gaining political influence, until it was finally officially discarded in 2000.[35]


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